Accessibility Tools

DirectDemocracyS
Global political system of direct democracy
directdemocracys.org
BELARUS
POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, FINANCIAL AND SOCIAL PROGRAM
Critical analysis of authenticity and full program document
June 2026
Version 1.0 | Language: Belarusian
People of Belarus: you live under one of the most repressive regimes in modern Europe. For the past thirty-two years, you have been deprived of the right to decide your own destiny. Elections are rigged. The opposition is in prison or in exile. National wealth is exploited by the regime and its Russian sponsors. The media only transmits state propaganda. Independent thinking is punishable by imprisonment.
DirectDemocracyS (DDS) comes to you not with promises, but with a system - with a concrete, proven, logical and functional tool that allows you, the population, to become the masters of your country. Our system is based on logic, common sense, competence, reality and mutual respect. We do not offer another "leader-savior". We offer a structure in which every citizen of Belarus has real power.
This document presents the DDS's comprehensive political, economic, financial, and social program for Belarus. It is based on a rigorous analysis of the country's real situation, including after the sham presidential elections of January 2025, and offers concrete, detailed solutions to all major problems.
The wealth of Belarus -- its land, its industry, its people -- must forever and only belong to the Belarusian people. This is not a slogan. This is the fundamental principle on which the entire DDS system is built.
Belarus is one of the last regimes in Europe to openly reject basic democratic norms. Alexander Lukashenko has been in power since 1994 - thirty-two years of uninterrupted authoritarian rule that has gradually dismantled all institutions capable of holding him back.
1.1.1. The January 2025 Elections: A Farce Enshrined in Violence
On January 26, 2025, presidential elections were held in Belarus. According to official data from the Central Election Commission, Lukashenko received 87.6% of the vote and became president for a seventh term. This result was immediately rejected by Western governments and declared a "farce" by exiled opposition leader Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya. German Foreign Minister Analene Baerbock said: "The people of Belarus had no choice. This is a bitter day for all who dream of freedom and democracy."
No opposition candidate was allowed to register. There were no independent observers at the polling stations. Instead, representatives of the security forces were present. The country's oldest political party, the Belarusian Popular Front (BPF), was officially liquidated. Opposition activities are severely persecuted. Belarus has never known a democratic transfer of power.
1.1.2. Repression: systematicity and scale
The repression of 2020 -- when more than 35,000 people were arrested during peaceful protests -- has not ended. It has stabilized as a permanent mechanism of governance. Journalists, activists, lawyers, professors, students -- anyone who dared to dissent has faced imprisonment, torture, or forced emigration. Tens of thousands of Belarusians have left the country. Those who remain live in an atmosphere of fear and self-censorship.
Imprisoned opposition figures -- such as Maria Kolesnikova and Viktar Babaryka -- have been deprived of contact with their families for years. Their fate is a symbol of the state's systematic violence against its own citizens.
1.1.3. Dependence on Moscow: loss of sovereignty
After 2020, Lukashenko completely put himself under the protection of Vladimir Putin. In February 2022, Belarus became a springboard for the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Russian troops used Belarusian territory to attack Kiev. Today, Russian tactical nuclear weapons are deployed in Belarus. The country has become a military, political and economic vassal of Russia. This is not a “union of republics” - this is a de facto loss of state sovereignty.
1.2.1. Macroeconomic indicators for 2025-2026
|
Index |
Value / Rating |
|
GDP growth 2025 |
1.3% (minimum in three years; 4.3% in 2024) |
|
GDP growth, Q1 2026 |
-0.4% year-on-year (recession) |
|
Inflation 2024 (official) |
5.7% (real -- up to 17% according to independent estimates) |
|
Budget deficit 2025 |
BYN 4.5 billion (1.6% of GDP) |
|
Unemployment (official) |
~3% (significantly underestimated; unemployment is huge) |
|
Share of exports to Russia |
Over 60% of all exports |
|
External support for Russia |
About 3% of GDP in the form of subsidies and transfers |
|
Access to SWIFT |
Major banks shut down; international transactions curtailed |
|
Foreign investment |
Virtually zeroed due to Western sanctions |
The data suggests that Belarus is in a structural economic crisis. The country's economy depends on Russian subsidies - without external support from Moscow, Belarus would face a serious budget collapse. This is not "stability" - this is artificial life support at the expense of losing independence.
1.2.2. Industry structure and its weaknesses
The Belarusian economy is based on three main pillars: engineering and industry (BelAZ, MTZ, MAZ), chemical industry and potash fertilizer production (Belaruskali), and state-owned agriculture. All three sectors are characterized by state ownership, low efficiency, lack of investment and innovation, and complete dependence on Russian markets and subsidized energy supplies.
Sanctions have closed European markets for Belarusian potash, a former export earner. Refining of petroleum products has also been cut off from Western markets. Major banks have been cut off from SWIFT. There is virtually no foreign investment. Minsk is completely dependent on Moscow for energy supplies, credit, and product sales.
1.2.3. Consequences for ordinary citizens
Official statistics show a low level of poverty (less than 3.5% of the population is below the minimum subsistence level of approximately 124 euros/month). However, these figures mask the real picture: a significant part of the population lives on the verge of physical survival. Inflation, according to independent estimates, reaches 17% and significantly devalues real incomes. The ruble has lost 63.6% of its value against the dollar in ten years. Regional inequality is huge: Minsk and the Minsk region account for 48.8% of GDP, while the province is deteriorating. Many Belarusians are looking for a way out by migrating abroad or participating in the shadow economy.
1.3.1. Education and science under ideological control
The Belarusian education system is completely under state ideological control. Textbooks are revised to conform to the official ideology. Teachers who express opposition views are fired. Students who participated in the 2020 protests have been expelled from educational institutions. Academic emigration has become massive: the country is losing its best personnel.
1.3.2. Media space: total propaganda
All Belarusian state media - television, radio, newspapers - are organs of government propaganda. Independent publications - Tut.by, Naviny.by, Radio Svaboda - are blocked or forcibly closed. Journalists are arrested. Internet freedom is severely restricted. Citizens are isolated from real information and are subjected to continuous "brainwashing."
1.3.3. Civil liberty: zero
Freedom of assembly, speech, press, association - all these rights are formally enshrined in the constitution and in fact do not exist in practice. The few NGOs that are not closed operate under constant state pressure. Civil society is scattered and intimidated. This is not only a political - it is an anthropological catastrophe: millions of people are accustomed to passivity, fear and inaction.
Belarus has lost its actual sovereignty. Russian troops and nuclear weapons are stationed on its territory. Its foreign policy is completely dependent on Moscow. The country is isolated from Europe and the West. Its fate is decided in the Kremlin. Opposition leader Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya warns that Belarus could be used as a springboard for an attack on the Baltic states and other neighbors.
This situation is catastrophic not only for the Belarusian people, but also for the entire regional security in Europe. The settlement of the Belarusian problem is not an internal matter of one country, but a pan-European task.
DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is a global political system and organization based on three fundamental principles: shared leadership (leadership condivisa), collective ownership (proprieta collettiva), and direct democracy. DDS is not a traditional political party. It is a structure that allows ordinary citizens -- not professional politicians -- to make all the important decisions about their country.
The basic principle of DDS applies in every country in the world without exception: the wealth of each country and the right to make decisions for their country must forever and only remain in the hands of the people of that country. Not in the power of oligarchs. Not in the power of foreign governments. Not in the power of TNCs. Not in the power of a single dictator. Only the people. Always.
The architecture of DDS is based on a fractal system of microgroups. Each citizen who joins DDS is part of a basic microgroup of 5 people. Each group of 5 people is transformed into a structural unit that is part of a group of 25. That is part of a group of 125. Then 625. It is an infinitely scalable system that maintains human contact and trust at a basic level, but at the same time can reach millions of people.
In each microgroup, decisions are made collectively. Each group has its own representative, elected from the bottom up. No representative has personal power: he carries out the orders of his group, not his own will. This mechanism eliminates the basis of any authoritarian power: the monopoly on decision-making.
For Belarus, with a population of about 9.4 million people, this structure means: ~1.88 million basic groups of 5 people → ~376,000 second-level groups (25) → ~75,200 third-level groups (125) → ~15,040 fourth-level groups (625). The entire country is covered by a network in which every vote has real weight.
DDS uses a three-code identification system (trikode), which guarantees: one person = one account = one vote. The trikode consists of three independent codes that verify the user's identity. None of the codes individually reveal the identity. Only their combination and coincidence identify a real person.
This solves one of the most pressing problems of Belarusian reality: the danger of identification and persecution. The three-code system allows a citizen to participate in democratic DDS procedures with maximum protection of personal data, even in an authoritarian state.
In the DDS system, each representative, whether elected in a microgroup or at any other level, acts on the basis of an imperative mandate: he is obliged to strictly carry out the decisions of the group that delegated him, and has no right to act independently, contrary to the will of his group. If a representative deviates from the order, he is immediately recalled. No discussions. No appeals. This is fundamentally different from the traditional representative mandate, where the elected "leader" can do whatever he wants after the election.
For Belarus, this mechanism is of particular importance: it is structurally impossible for a new Lukashenko to emerge within the DDS system. Power can never be concentrated in the hands of one person or a narrow group.
DDS is developing its own AI technologies -- ddsAI and allddsAI -- as an integral part of its democratic architecture. These tools serve three key functions.
First, complete and neutral information: ddsAI provides each DDS participant with complete, accurate, neutral, and independent information on all issues put to the vote. No propaganda. No brainwashing. Just facts, analysis, and different points of view.
Secondly, support for specialist groups: ddsAI provides each microgroup and each specialized committee with analytical support, allowing qualified decisions to be made even without the presence of experts within the group.
Third, allddsAI is a system in which AI instances are official members of the DDS with rights and obligations. AI does not replace human will - it enhances and supports it. This is a fundamentally new approach to integrating AI into democratic processes.
For Belarusian citizens, this means: access to a platform that protects against manipulation. All decisions are made on the basis of verified information, not state propaganda or media wars.
The principle of Non-Transferable Collective Ownership (NTCO) is one of the cornerstones of the DDS. It means that all the common resources of the country - land, subsoil, industrial enterprises, communication networks and infrastructure - are transferred to the collective ownership of the people on terms that are permanently inalienable. No one can buy, sell, privatize or transfer them to foreign owners. They belong to the people - now and always.
This directly addresses the problem in Belarus: the state sector, controlled by the regime, is being brought under the collective control of the people. Russian contracts, dependence on Moscow, the return of national assets - all this is structurally impossible under the conditions of the NPCS.
3.1.1. Transition period and installation phase
The first stage of DDS activity in Belarus does not require a change of government - it starts within society, from the bottom up. DDS registers citizens through a secure digital platform using a three-code. Each registered citizen automatically receives a place in their own microgroup.
The goal for the first year is to reach 100,000 registered participants across Belarus and in the diaspora. This creates a shadow parallel governance structure that operates independently of the regime and does not require its permission.
A concrete example: in Minsk, a city with a population of about 2 million people, 100,000 DDS participants immediately create 20,000 basic microgroups. This network is capable of organizing local mutual assistance, democratic decision-making in neighborhood communities, and in the long term, real local self-government.
3.1.2. Shadow elections and the mandate of the people
DDS organizes parallel (shadow) votes on key issues: do citizens support a particular law? Are they satisfied with the quality of healthcare? How do they see the country's foreign policy? The results of these votes are publicly published. They have no legal force under the regime -- but they are a moral and digital demonstration of the will of the people that cannot be silenced.
This is a strategy of peaceful, gradual, and steady destruction of the regime's legitimacy: not through violent protests that are repressed, but through an invisible network that cannot simply be arrested.
3.1.3. Specialized committees as an alternative government
At each level of the DDS, groups of specialists are formed: economists, lawyers, doctors, teachers, engineers, and ecologists. These groups develop specific alternative management programs. They don't just criticize -- they offer real, ready-made solutions that are ready to be implemented immediately after the regime change.
3.2.1. Eliminating dependence on Russia: a phased plan
The main economic objective of the DDS in Belarus is structural deprivation from the Russian monopoly. This cannot happen in one day, but should be aimed at as a strategic goal of the entire economic policy.
3.2.2. Reform of state-owned enterprises: from state-owner to people-owner
The DDS does not propose the privatization of state-owned enterprises - this would lead to the creation of an oligarchy. Instead, it proposes collectivization within the framework of the NPKS principle: each large state-owned enterprise is transferred to the ownership of its collective in conjunction with a national trust. Management is carried out through DDS structures of micro-groups of workers and regional citizens.
A concrete example: Belaruskaliy is one of the largest producers of potash in the world. Its ownership is transferred to NPKS. The profit is distributed: 40% to GUMI-SV (the Guaranteed Minimum Income Fund), 30% to the National Development Fund, 20% to the workforce, 10% to the Environmental Fund. No oligarch, Russian company or government official receives a single cent.
3.2.3. Creation of new economic sectors
DDS plans to actively support the development of the following sectors:
3.3.1. GUMI-SV: Guaranteed Universal Minimum Income
DDS introduces GUMI-SV (Guaranteed Universal Minimum Income with Structured Volunteering) - a system that guarantees every citizen of Belarus a minimum basic income sufficient to cover basic life needs. This is not social assistance "from the state" - it is the right of every person to their share in the common wealth of the country that they helped create.
GUMI-SV is financed from three sources: the income of collective-owned enterprises (COEs), an environmental tax on the extraction of natural resources, and a digital tax on automated production. A mandatory condition for receiving GUMI-SV is participation in structured volunteering - a real contribution by everyone to strengthening their community.
The approximate size of GUMI-SV for Belarus: about 400-500 euros per month per person in a democratic open country (as in the current Baltic countries or Poland for comparison). This is 3-4 times higher than the current official minimum subsistence level in Belarus.
3.3.2. The National Bank as an instrument of the people
The National Bank of Belarus in the DDS system acts exclusively in the interests of the people: the stability of the ruble, inflation control, and the availability of loans for small and medium-sized businesses. The use of monetary policy to finance military spending or maintain the regime is prohibited. The National Bank is audited quarterly and is publicly available.
3.3.3. Anti-corruption financial architecture
All government spending is publicly displayed in real time on the DDS platform. Every citizen can see where their money goes. Any contract worth more than 10,000 euros undergoes mandatory public examination through DDS structures. The shadowy schemes that feed the Lukashenko regime are becoming structurally impossible.
3.4.1. Education: Freedom of Thought Instead of Ideology
DDS is reforming Belarusian education around three pillars:
3.4.2. Healthcare: a right, not a privilege
DDS guarantees universal free access to medical care through the NPKS-medicine structure: medical institutions are owned by collectives and regional communities, not state officials. Financing of health care is at least 8% of GDP. Complete rejection of corruption schemes.
3.4.3. Media Freedom: DDS Platforms as a Defense Against Propaganda
DDS is creating its own media platform - closed from external manipulation, protected from state interference. Each DDS participant receives access to verified independent information through the ddsAI system. In parallel, DDS supports the revival of independent Belarusian media - including in the diaspora, which will later return to the country.
3.4.4. Human rights and lustration
The DDS guarantees the universal observance of human rights and freedoms enshrined in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A mechanism of truly fair lustration is applied: those who directly participated in repressions are brought to justice through an independent judicial process. But there is no collective revenge: all citizens who followed orders without committing criminal acts have the opportunity to integrate into the new society.
Belarus has significant natural resources: forests, rivers, swamps (Belovezhskaya Pushcha, Pripyat National Park). DDS creates a "Green Constitutional Article": the nature of Belarus is the NPKS-property of the people for all time. No foreign company can extract the resources of Belarus without the permission of the people and without fair compensation.
Specific goal: by 2035, 40% of electricity in Belarus will come from renewable sources. The forest fund will be expanded by 15%. The elimination of hazardous agricultural chemicals currently used due to isolation from European standards.
Phase 0 (currently, before the regime change): underground-network phase
Registration of participants through the secure DDS platform. Formation of microgroups in Belarus and in the diaspora (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Germany, Israel, etc.). Organization of shadow committees of specialists. Dissemination of information through secure channels. Preparation of management programs for each area.
Goal: 50,000 participants in the first 6 months; 150,000 in the first year.
Phase 1 (first 1-2 years after transition): institutional democratization
Adoption of a new constitution developed by DDS structures and approved by a referendum with the participation of all citizens. Dissolution of all illegal repressive structures. Release of all political prisoners. Restoration of freedom of speech, assembly and media space. Beginning of economic audit and transfer of enterprises to the NPKS.
Phase 2 (3-7 years): economic restructuring
Full implementation of GUMI-SV for all citizens of Belarus. Diversification of the economy from Russian dependence. Start of association negotiations with the EU. Launch of digital reform of public services based on ddsAI. Creation of the Belarusian National Development Fund.
Phase 3 (8-20 years): full democratic stabilization
Belarus becomes a full member of the European democratic space. GDP grows by 4-6% per year thanks to diversification, access to European markets and elimination of corruption. GUMI-SV reaches a stable level of 500 to 700 euros per person per month. Belarus has become an example of a successful democratic transformation from an authoritarian regime - for the whole world.
|
Sphere |
Expected result in 10 years |
|
GDP per capita |
An increase from ~6,500 USD to ~15,000-18,000 USD |
|
Inflation |
Stabilization at 2-3% per year |
|
Unemployment |
Reduction to 2-3% (real, not official) |
|
GUMI-SV |
500-700 EUR/month per citizen |
|
Political Freedom (Freedom House) |
From "not free" to "free" (target: 70+ points) |
|
Dependence on Russia for exports |
Reduction from 60% to 20-25% |
|
Share of renewable energy in electricity |
Growth from less than 5% to 40% |
|
Corruption Perceptions Index (TI CPI) |
Growth from ~31 points (2024) to 65+ points |
|
Youth emigration |
Changing the vector: the return of the diaspora |
Risk 1: Russian military intervention
The most serious risk. DDS responds to it threefold: first, by granting Belarus the status of a country under the guarantee of European partners (similar to the Finnish model of neutrality); second, through the massive network presence of DDS structures that cannot be destroyed by military means; third, through deep international integration, which makes military intervention economically catastrophic for Russia.
Risk 2: Internal counter-revolution of the apparatus
Some of the security forces may try to seize power after Lukashenko. DDS neutralizes this risk through the fastest possible establishment phase: the adoption of the constitution, the formation of the people's parliament and local self-government take place before the apparatus has time to reorganize.
Risk 3: Economic collapse in the event of a break with Russia
DDS warns him through phasing: diversification begins even before a complete breakup; international assistance from the EU, IMF, and World Bank is agreed in advance within the framework of the "Marshall Plan for Belarus."
You are a generation born under dictatorship and raised knowing that things could be different. Thousands of you have left your country. Thousands have stayed and are suffering. DDS offers you not just "hope" - but a framework in which you become the ones who build the country. Your qualifications, your detailed knowledge of digital technologies, your dedication to freedom - this is DDS. Come home. The country is waiting for you.
Every day you shape the real economy of Belarus - behind MTZ, behind Belaruskali, behind agricultural cooperatives. But the profit from your work goes to Lukashenko's state, not to you. DDS offers something different: you are the owners of your enterprise within the framework of the NPKS. You are the ones who decide how the profit is distributed. This is not marketing. This is a constitutionally enshrined structural reality.
Among you there are people who understand that the regime they serve is a crime against their own people. DDS offers clarity: everyone who did not participate in the repressions personally and consciously has a place in the new Belarus. The country will need professional security structures that serve the people, not the dictator. DDS is your way out of the impasse.
You are already a free part of Belarus. Your voice, your professional experience, your connections with European and world institutions are an invaluable resource. DDS recognizes the diaspora as full-fledged participants in the Belarusian democratic project. You register, participate in voting, join microgroups, help build DDS in the country - even while being outside Belarus. The return begins today.
Belarus has already tried other paths: mass protests in 2020, which the regime violently suppressed; an exiled opposition that has no real influence on the situation inside the country; reliance on external pressure from the West, which has proven insufficient. These approaches are not failures — they are important. But they are insufficient.
DDS offers what was missing: an internal network structure that grows from the bottom up, that cannot be destroyed by the arrest of a single leader, that does not wait for the "permission" of the regime, that offers not only criticism but a ready-made alternative to governance.
The DDS system is unique in the world in that it truly operates on the basis of logic, common sense, and reality. It doesn't require you to believe in the promises -- it only requires you to understand the mechanism and join in. The mechanism does the rest.
The wealth of Belarus -- its land, its potash, its forests, its people -- belongs to the Belarusian people. Only to them. This is not a political slogan. This is the foundation of the new constitutional and economic architecture that DDS is building together with you.
Belarus deserves true freedom. DDS offers the tools to build it.
*** DirectDemocracyS ***
directdemocracys.org
Logic. Common sense. Competence. Reality. Mutual respect.
June 2026
When you subscribe to the blog, we will send you an e-mail when there are new updates on the site so you wouldn't miss them.
Comments