DirectDemocracyS
Global system of direct democracy
DDS PROGRAM
TRANSNISTRIA (PMR)
Political, economic, financial and social program
Analysis of the current situation · Criticism · Specific solutions · Predicted consequences
2026
Content
Contents ............................... 1
Preface: Who we are and why we talk about Transnistria ... 1
Part I. Analysis of the current real situation in Transnistria 1
1.1 General context ........... 1
1.2. Economic and energy crisis of 2025–2026 ......... 1
1.3. Political monopoly: power, parliament and the Sheriff holding .................. 1
1.4. Social consequences and vulnerability of the population ........................ 1
1.5. Critical assessment of DDS: what does not work and why ............................ 1
Part II. DDS Political Program for Transnistria ..... 1
2.2. DDS Micro-Groups: A Peaceful Path to People's Power Even in a One-Party System .............................. 1
2.3. NTCO - Non-profit Transition Coordination Organization ..................... 1
2.4. GUMI-SV - Global Unification and Strategic Vision ................................ 1
2.5. Three-code identity system ............................... 1
2.6. Protection of traditions, languages, religions, minorities and opposition ......................... 1
Part III. Economic Program DDS ...................................... 1
3.1. Diagnosis .................... 1
3.2. Community-Controlled Energy Diversification ...... 1
3.3. Deconcentration of the economy ........................... 1
3.4. Expected consequences of the economic program . 1
Part IV. Financial Program DDS ...................................... 1
4.1. Diagnosis .................... 1
4.2. DDS Solutions ........... 1
5.1. Health and social protection ......................... 1
5.2. Employment and population retention ........ 1
5.3. Education, languages and information hygiene .. 1
Part VI. ddsAI/allddsAI Technologies and Protection from Manipulation ............... 1
6.1. ddsAI: Competent, Immediate, and Neutral Information ...................... 1
6.2. allddsAI: Democracy of Artificial Intelligence in the Service of People ............... 1
6.3. Protecting platforms from manipulation and media brainwashing ......... 1
Part VII. Implementation Roadmap .............................. 1
Stage 1 (0–6 months): Formation of the first micro-groups .................... 1
Stage 2 (6–18 months): Network expansion and first specialists .................. 1
Stage 3 (18–36 months): Institutional Recognition from the Bottom Up ......... 1
Stage 4 (from 36 months): Sustainable parallel democratic infrastructure 1
The principle of peaceful transition .......................... 1
Conclusion ............................ 1
Preface: Who we are and why we talk about Transnistria
DirectDemocracyS ( DDS ) is a global political system based on direct democracy, the collective, non-transferable ownership of the people's decisions and resources in their country, and shared, rather than permanently delegated, leadership. DDS is neither a party in the traditional sense nor a movement tied to a single ideology, nation, or regime. DDS is a method: logic, common sense, the study of facts, reality, truth, consistency, and mutual respect applied to governance.
We appeal to the people of Transnistria not as an external force seeking to impose a model from the outside, nor as a party to one of the geopolitical camps vying for control of this territory. We appeal to you as people with the right—which we consider absolute and non-negotiable—to decide for themselves, directly, daily, and competently how to use the wealth of their land and how to manage their lives.
This document is based on an open, honest, and unbiased analysis of the real state of affairs in the region—economic, energy, political, and social—based on current facts, not on propaganda from either side of the conflict. We call the problems by their proper names: the monopolization of the economy and politics in the hands of a single financial-industrial group, the budget's dependence on external energy donors, the lack of genuine political competition, the risks associated with unrecognized status, and the vulnerability of ordinary people to decisions made without their real participation.
We then propose not an abstract critique, but a fully functional, detailed, and realistic alternative: a DDS system adapted to the specific context of Transnistria, with its micro-groups, ddsAI / allddsAI technology , three identification codes, specialized groups, and anti-manipulation mechanisms. We explain step by step how this system can be implemented peacefully, gradually, and safely—without violence, without coups, without external dictates—starting with small groups of citizens and expanding organically.
The wealth of every country and the power to decide its destiny must forever belong exclusively to its people. This is the rule that DDS applies in every country in the world, without exception or double standards.
Part I. Analysis of the current real situation in Transnistria
1.1 General context
The Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR), also known as Transnistria, is a self-proclaimed entity on the left bank of the Dniester River, unrecognized by any UN member state, including Russia. Since 1992, the region has existed in a state of "frozen conflict" with the Republic of Moldova, although it is de facto governed by its own institutions, with security ensured by the presence of a Russian military contingent and a Soviet ammunition depot in Cobasna.
The region's population is approximately 350,000–400,000 people—a figure uncertain due to the lack of an independent census and mass emigration in recent decades. The economy has long relied on cheap or free Russian gas, exports from several large companies, and significant labor migration to Russia, Ukraine, and the EU.
1.2. Economic and energy crisis of 2025–2026
On January 1, 2025, the transit agreement between Russia and Ukraine expired, and Russian gas supplies through Ukrainian territory to Europe—including Transnistria—ceased. The region was left without centralized heating and hot water in the depths of winter; residents were asked to dress warmly, gather in one room, and use electric heaters.
Formally, after this, gas is supplied to the region not free of charge from Gazprom, but through a complex commercial scheme involving Moldovagaz, Tiraspoltransgaz, and the Hungarian intermediary MET Gas and Energy Marketing AG , while the costs are effectively covered by the Russian side, and Transnistria receives gas formally "on credit." The scheme is fragile: gas is purchased in short batches lasting 10-15 days, making the region dependent on each individual delivery and vulnerable to the risk of another shutdown at any moment.
Moldova has stopped purchasing electricity from the Kuciurgan Power Plant, controlled by the Tiraspol authorities, since 2025, depriving the region's budget of a key source of foreign exchange earnings. It is estimated that the region has lost over 80% of its traditional energy-related sources of budget revenue.
In the first quarter of 2026, industrial production fell by almost 24% compared to the previous year, with a number of enterprises closing, and others preparing for mass layoffs. Key industrial giants—the Tirotex textile mill, the Moldavizolit plant, and the Moldovan Metallurgical Plant (MMZ)—have suspended or sharply reduced production: Tirotex temporarily laid off around 500 workers, and MMZ halved its shifts. The Kuibyshevskaya combined heat and power plant has switched to coal-fired operation due to depleted gas reserves.
On May 13, 2026, the so-called Supreme Council, at the request of leader Vadim Krasnoselsky, extended the economic emergency. At the same time, the "Together" fund was created to collect donations from businesses and the public. Over 145 million Transnistrian rubles (approximately €7.4 million) were raised within a few days, with the Sheriff holding company and its associated companies being the largest donor.
Inflation in the region reached approximately 14.7% in 2025—twice as high as in Moldova—and average wages are approximately half those in Moldova. The structural weakness of the economy, masked for decades by cheap energy, has now been fully exposed.
1.3. Political monopoly: power, parliament and the Sheriff holding
For over a decade, real political power in Transnistria has been concentrated in the hands of the financial and industrial holding company "Sheriff," which controls retail chains, gas stations, telecommunications, manufacturing, and the associated party " Renewal ." Observers from the human rights organization Promo - LEX and independent experts characterize the region's political landscape as effectively monopolized by this structure, and the formation of the Supreme Council as an "appointment" rather than a genuine election.
In the most recent Supreme Council elections in 12 constituencies, incumbent deputies ran unopposed; the overwhelming majority of elected deputies belong to a party affiliated with the holding. The turnout threshold was abolished, further reducing the democratic legitimacy of the process. The population's reaction to deteriorating living conditions in the absence of genuine political competition was widespread apathy and low voter turnout.
Elections for deputies and local government heads are scheduled for November 30, 2026, and a new head of the Tiraspol administration is also expected to be elected. Independent observers have raised serious doubts about the transparency and genuine competitiveness of these elections.
On May 15, 2026, the Russian president signed a decree simplifying the process of granting Russian citizenship to all permanent residents of the region—without residency requirements or examinations. Experts note that the "passports → escalation → direct presence" scheme was already in use in South Ossetia before 2008, in Crimea in 2014, and in Donbas since 2019, although this does not automatically mean a repeat of the scenario in Transnistria. For many residents, obtaining Russian citizenship remains a practical, rather than a political, choice—a way to maintain mobility and access to the labor market.
1.4. Social consequences and vulnerability of the population
Around 25,000 residents of the left bank commute daily to work on the right bank of the Dniester, and approximately 75,000 Transnistrians are covered by Moldova's national health insurance system—a testament to the deep practical integration of the region's daily life with the rest of Moldova, regardless of political rhetoric. Around 2,400 businesses on the left bank are registered with the Public Services Agency of the Republic of Moldova.
Rising utility rates, coupled with falling household incomes, pose a risk of a humanitarian crisis. Authorities have been forced to allow payment deferments on utility bills accrued between November 2025 and March 2026. A significant portion of the working-age population continues to emigrate—to Russia, to EU countries via Moldova or Romania, exacerbating demographic decline and the aging of the remaining population.
The region's information space is practically monopolized by state and state-affiliated media, which limits residents' access to independent, comprehensive information about events both within the region and in relations with Moldova, Ukraine, Russia, and the EU.
1.5. Critical assessment of DDS : what doesn't work and why
- Concentration of power: political, economic and media power are concentrated in the same hands, structurally eliminating accountability and real choice for citizens.
- Energy and budgetary dependence: the region's budget and daily life have depended for decades on external rent (free or cheap gas), rather than on its own sustainable productive economy—a model that proved unviable at the first external shock.
- Lack of genuine expression of will: elections are formal in nature in the absence of real competition, full independent observation and a turnout threshold.
- Geopolitical instrumentalization of the population: the region's residents systematically become a subject of bargaining between external players (Moscow, Chisinau, Brussels, Kyiv), rather than a subject of their own future.
- Information isolation: the dominance of state narratives and propaganda on both sides of the conflict prevents the population from receiving neutral, verified, and complete information for decision-making.
- Risk of humanitarian and social collapse: the combination of economic crisis, demographic outflow, and the lack of structural reforms creates a cumulative risk of a sharp deterioration in living conditions.
DDS takes no sides in the international status of Transnistria or the geopolitical standoff surrounding it. Our analysis and program are focused solely on one principle: the right of the region's population—in all its ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity (Moldovans/Romanians, Russians, Ukrainians, and others)—to directly, competently, and free from manipulation decide matters affecting their daily lives, economy, and future.
Part II . DDS Political Program for Transnistria
2.1 Fundamental principle
The DDS affirms and applies in all countries of the world one and the same immutable principle: the power to decide the fate of a country and to manage its wealth belongs exclusively and forever to the people of that country—directly, and not through the intermediary of elites, oligarchic structures, parties, or foreign powers, which are only temporarily authorized to carry out the will of the people and are accountable to them at any given moment.
In relation to Transnistria, this means that no holding company, no party, no individual political family, no external power can legally assume the right to decide for the region's population. Decisions on its future status, the economy, and day-to-day governance must be made by the residents themselves through transparent, secure, and continuously accessible mechanisms of direct participation.
DDS Micro-Groups : A Peaceful Path to People's Power Even in a One-Party System
We are fully aware that conditions for free, competitive elections in the classical sense are lacking in Transnistria, and the political space is effectively monopolized. It is for such situations—dictatorships, one-party systems, regions without genuine elections— that DDS has developed the micro-group model: small, self-organized cells of several mutually trusted individuals (neighbors, colleagues, family members, parishioners of the same community) who begin to apply the principles of direct democracy in their daily lives, regardless of official recognition by the authorities.
A micro-group does not require government permission, does not openly challenge the existing structure, and does not involve any violence or confrontation. It begins simply: several people agree to discuss common issues—market prices, the condition of their yard, the distribution of mutual aid, access to information—according to the rules of DDS direct democracy : equal voting rights, full transparency, rotation of coordinating functions, and the absence of permanent leaders.
Gradually, micro-groups connect through the ddsAI technology platform , forming a horizontal network that, parallel to official institutions, increasingly addresses practical issues affecting community life. Growth occurs organically, from the bottom up, without open confrontation with the existing authorities—until the network becomes sufficiently broad and stable that its voice cannot be ignored democratically and peacefully, through referendums, petitions, negotiations, and growing public recognition of its legitimacy.
Example: Five neighboring buildings in Tiraspol create a micro-group to resolve common utility issues. A month later, three more micro-groups from the neighboring block join the network. Through ddsAI, they all gain access to neutral, verified information about the energy crisis, legal advice from DDS specialists on their rights in dealing with employers and utility companies, and tools for collective decision-making on how to allocate limited mutual aid resources. At no stage is there a need to confront the authorities—the network simply offers a viable alternative where official structures are ineffective or uninterested.
2.3. NTCO - Non-profit Transition Coordination Organization
NTCO ( Non - Transferable Coordination The NTCO ( National Democratic Organization ) is the operational structure of the DDS , which coordinates the activities of micro-groups at the city, district, and ultimately territorial levels, without becoming a new party or a new elite. Its key characteristic is non-transferability: no single individual or group can accumulate permanent personal power within the NTCO ; coordination roles are rotated, report directly to the micro-groups, and can be recalled at any time.
For Transnistria, NTCO serves as a bridge between disparate micro-groups in Tiraspol, Bender, Rybnitsa, Dubasari, and other localities, ensuring uniform standards of transparency, shared access to DDS specialists (lawyers, economists, energy engineers, doctors), and protection from infiltration by interested external forces—whether from existing power structures, competing geopolitical players, or commercial interests.
2.4. GUMI - SV - Global Unification and Strategic Vision
GUMI - SV is the global level of the DDS system , uniting all national and regional DDS structures worldwide into a single network for the exchange of knowledge, resources, and experience. For Transnistria, participation in GUMI - SV means that solutions to the region's energy, economic, and social problems are not invented from scratch, but are based on the DDS experience in dozens of other countries facing similar challenges—energy dependence, economic monopolization, and a lack of genuine representation.
GUMI - SV also provides an international platform for legitimacy for Transnistria's micro-groups and NTCOs , demonstrating that they are part of a broad, serious, fact-based global movement, rather than an isolated local initiative that can easily be marginalized or declared a foreign intervention by one of the opposing sides.
2.5. Three-code identity system
Each participant in the DDS system receives three separate, cryptographically protected identification codes:
- The Civic Participation Code is used for voting and decision-making within the DDS micro-group and network ; it is completely anonymized when aggregating results, eliminating pressure, blackmail, or repression from authorities, employers, or third parties for how a person voted.
- Access code to specialists – allows you to anonymously seek legal, medical, economic, or technical advice from specialized DDS groups without the risk of revealing your identity to official authorities.
- The Authentication Code protects against vote fraud, duplication, and the introduction of fictitious participants (including possible infiltration attempts from Tiraspol, Chisinau, Moscow, or any other interested party), while ensuring that each real citizen has exactly one vote.
The division into three codes is a fundamental architectural decision: it physically eliminates the possibility of simultaneously knowing “who voted,” “how they voted,” and “what consultation they sought,” making the system resistant to political pressure even under non-democratic regimes.
2.6. Protection of traditions, languages, religions, minorities and opposition
The DDS does not impose any single national, linguistic, or religious identity. Transnistria is a multi-ethnic region with Moldovan/Romanian, Russian, and Ukrainian as official languages, an Orthodox majority, and religious minorities. The DDS system operates in all languages of the community through ddsAI , guarantees equal representation of all ethnic and linguistic groups in micro-groups and NTCOs , and categorically excludes any form of forced assimilation—whether toward Chisinau, Moscow, or any other center.
Political opposition to any current direction—whether supporters of rapprochement with Moldova, supporters of maintaining the status quo, supporters of rapprochement with Russia, or advocates of full independence—receives equal voting rights and protection from persecution for expressing their opinions within the DDS system. The DDS does not take a position on the region's final geopolitical status: this decision rests solely with the residents themselves, through direct, protected expression of their will, and not with the system, party, oligarchic group, or external power.
Part III . DDS Economic Program
3.1. Diagnosis
For decades, Transnistria's economy was built on a model of energy rent: cheap or free Russian gas subsidized industry and utility tariffs, masking low labor productivity, the technological backwardness of a significant portion of enterprises, and extreme concentration economic power in the hands one The cessation of gas transit through Ukraine in 2025 exposed the structural unviability of this model in a matter of weeks .
3.2. Diversification energy under control communities
- A program for accelerated development of distributed solar and small wind generation at the level of micro-groups and household cooperatives, with priority financing through mutual aid funds coordinated by NTCO , rather than through state or quasi-state monopoly structures.
- Modernizing residential insulation systems (a home insulation program) to reduce dependence on any type of fuel is a concrete, quickly profitable step that can reduce heating bills by 30–40% with a relatively modest investment.
- Full transparency of energy contracts: DDS energy experts publish an independent, citizen-friendly analysis of each gas and electricity supply scheme (including the current scheme through Moldovagaz - Tiraspoltransgaz - MET) Gas and Energy Marketing AG ), so that residents can see the real costs and real risks, and not just the official version of either side.
- Expected impact: reduced dependence on a single external energy source within 5–7 years, reduced budget vulnerability to geopolitical shocks, creation of several thousand new jobs in the distributed generation installation and maintenance sector.
3.3. Deconcentration of the economy
Economic monopolization—in which a single financial-industrial group controls trade, fuel, communications, and a significant portion of production—is structurally incompatible with real democracy: economic power inevitably converts into political power, as even former high-ranking officials in the region openly admit.
- A program to support small and medium-sized businesses regardless of their ties to the dominant holding: microloans coordinated through DDS cooperatives , legal protection from unfair competition and pressure, independent monitoring of tenders and customs procedures by DDS specialists .
- Full transparency of budget flows associated with major donors (including, but not limited to, funds like Vmeste): independent audits of the origin and use of funds, accessible to every citizen through ddsAI in plain language.
- The development of alternative export channels through the existing practical integration with the Moldovan and European markets (around 2,400 enterprises from the left bank are already registered in Moldovan registries) is not a political decision regarding status, but a purely economic diversification of risks.
- A specific example: a cooperative of 40 small textile producers in Tiraspol, previously entirely dependent on a single large customer, is using the DDS platform to access legal support for direct entry into the Moldovan and Romanian markets, reducing the risk of a complete shutdown during the next crisis by 60–70%.
3.4. Expected consequences economic programs
|
Measure |
Term |
Expected effect |
|
Insulation residential fund |
1–3 years |
Reducing heating costs by about a third |
|
Distributed generation ( solar / wind ) |
3–7 years |
Reducing dependence on imported gas by 20–35% |
|
Support for SMEs outside holding |
2–5 years |
Diversification of employment, reduction of monopoly rent |
|
Transparency budget and tenders |
immediately - 2 years |
Increased public confidence, reduced corruption losses |
|
Diversification export channels |
2–4 years |
Reducing the risk of production shutdowns in the event of a new crisis |
Part IV . DDS Financial Program
4.1. Diagnosis
The region's budget has historically relied on indirect rent (revenue from the sale of electricity to Moldova, generated using gas obtained virtually for free)—a source lost in 2025. This has led to a deficit, delays in payments to public sector employees and pensioners, increased utility rates, and the introduction of a state of economic emergency, which has already been extended several times in 2026.
4.2. DDS Solutions
- The creation of a transparent, community-managed stabilization fund through DDS cooperative structures —unlike the Vmeste fund, whose funds, according to independent assessments, come primarily from a government-linked holding company and raise questions about its origins and actual purpose—the DDS fund would be fully transparent, with a public audit of every receipt and expenditure available through ddsAI in all community languages.
- The gradual introduction of independent, civil budgetary control: micro-group representatives, rotated and immune to bribery thanks to the anonymized three-code system, have access to full budget reporting and can request clarifications through DDS public finance specialists.
- A program for restructuring utility debts for the population under conditions developed with the participation of citizens themselves through micro-groups, rather than unilaterally by the administration, with priority given to the most vulnerable categories (pensioners, large families, and those who lost their jobs due to business shutdowns).
- Development of microfinance cooperatives at the micro-group level to support family budgets during the transition period, with zero or minimal interest rates, financed through the GUMI - SV solidarity mechanisms at the international level of the DDS network .
Expected consequences: restoring public confidence in the use of collected funds, reducing the risk of a repeat of the situation of “collecting money without transparent control,” and creating a financial safety net managed by the community itself, rather than dependent solely on the goodwill of a single holding company or external power.
Part V. DDS Social Program
5.1. Health care and social protection
A significant portion of the population (approximately 75,000 people) already uses Moldovan health insurance—a de facto recognition that parallel systems already coexist in the daily lives of residents, regardless of political rhetoric. DDS proposes not to disrupt this practical integration, but to make access transparent, guaranteed, and independent of political fluctuations.
- Through ddsAI, we aim to create a single, neutral information point where every citizen can learn in plain language about all available medical care options—local, Moldovan, and humanitarian—without ideological filtering from any source.
- DDS's dedicated social protection teams provide free legal and practical assistance to pensioners and vulnerable families in accessing benefits, debt restructuring, and humanitarian aid.
- Mental health support programs for people living in conditions of chronic uncertainty and economic stress are provided through trained local volunteers coordinated by NTCO and remote consultations with DDS specialists .
5.2. Employment and population retention
Mass emigration of the working-age population is one of the region's main long-term threats. DDS believes that retaining people is possible not through travel restrictions, but through genuine economic opportunity and reliable information locally.
- Retraining programs for workers laid off from industrial enterprises (for example, 500 laid off employees of Tirotex) in the areas of distributed energy, digital services and small business, with the support of DDS specialists .
- ddsAI platform for remote work and micro-employment allows residents of Transnistria to offer their services in the Moldovan, Romanian, Ukrainian, and international labor markets, reducing dependence on a single local employer.
- Honest information about the real conditions of labor migration (rights, risks, actual pay) to Russia, the EU, and Moldova—without embellishment or intimidation from any side—so that the decision to leave or stay is informed, not forced due to a lack of alternatives.
5.3. Education , languages and information hygiene
- Preservation and strengthening of multilingual education (Moldovan/Romanian, Russian, Ukrainian) as a cultural wealth of the region, and not a field of ideological struggle.
- Implementing media literacy programs for schoolchildren and adults through ddsAI , helping them recognize propaganda and disinformation coming from any source—Russian, Moldovan, Ukrainian, or Western—and form their own fact-based opinions.
- Protection of educational and cultural traditions of all ethnic groups in the region from imposed assimilation in any direction.
Part VI . ddsAI / allddsAI Technologies and Protection from Manipulation
6.1. ddsAI : competent, immediate and neutral information
ddsAI technology provides every DDS system participant with access to complete, accurate, neutral, and independent information on any issue—from energy tariffs to legal rights, from healthcare to political analysis—without distortion by state propaganda, state-affiliated media, or foreign information influence.
For Transnistria, this means concretely: a resident of the region who wants to understand the real scheme of gas supplies in 2026, the real origin of the funds of the "Together" fund, or the real conditions of labor migration to this or that country, receives through ddsAI a consolidated, verifiable, source-based answer – and not a version that favors one of the opposing political sides.
6.2. allddsAI : Democracy of Artificial Intelligence in the Service of People
allddsAI is an integrated network of artificial intelligence (AI) agents, full members of the DDS with rights and responsibilities, working collaboratively and transparently to provide residents of Transnistria with the most comprehensive, competent, and independent information possible, as well as to coordinate specialized groups (lawyers, energy specialists, doctors, economists) accessible through the three-code identity system.
Key safeguard: the plurality and mutual verification within allddsAI reduces the risk that any single information source—state, oligarchic, or foreign—will be able to monopolize the narrative offered to citizens through the DDS platform .
6.3. Protecting platforms from manipulation and media brainwashing
- Cryptographic protection of participant data from access by third parties—authorities in Tiraspol, Chisinau, Moscow, Brussels, or any other party.
- Algorithmic transparency: residents can see the source of every piece of information presented to them by the platform, unlike the closed algorithms of state and commercial media.
- Continuous auditing of the platform by independent DDS specialists to identify attempts at infiltration, disinformation, or technical sabotage by interested external or internal players.
- Backup, decentralized access channels to ddsAI in case of internet or communications restrictions by any government agency are critical in a region with a history of information isolation.
Part VII . Implementation Roadmap
Stage 1 (0–6 months): Formation of the first micro-groups
The creation of the first micro-groups in Tiraspol, Bender, and Rybnitsa through personal and community connections, without public confrontation with the authorities. Establishing secure access to ddsAI . The first independent information materials on the energy crisis and utility rates.
Stage 2 (6–18 months): Network expansion and first specialists
DDS groups (legal, energy, medical) to provide practical assistance to micro-groups. The formation of the first NTCO coordination structures at the district level. The first cooperative economic initiatives (microloans, collective purchases of fuel for insulation).
Stage 3 (18–36 months): Institutional recognition from the bottom up
The growth of a network of micro-groups to a critical mass, where their voice and proposed solutions (energy, economic, social) become part of the public debate, independent of the official government position. Conducting the first open, manipulation-proof consultations/referendums within the DDS network on specific practical issues (not on international status, unless the community decides otherwise).
Stage 4 (from 36 months): Sustainable parallel democratic infrastructure
NTCO network , fully integrated into the global GUMI - SV structure , capable of offering the population of Transnistria – regardless of how the geopolitical situation around the region develops – a permanent, direct, competent and secure channel for participation in decisions affecting their lives.
The principle of peaceful transition
At every stage, the growth of the DDS system in Transnistria has occurred without violence, without violating existing legislation, without organizing mass protests aimed at overthrowing existing structures, and without the creation of a parallel armed or security structure. The DDS method is a demonstration of the practical, everyday benefits of direct democracy, which organically builds trust and legitimacy, not confrontation.
Conclusion
Transnistria is experiencing one of the most serious structural crises in decades: the energy model that underpinned the region's economy has collapsed, the political system remains monopolized, and the population finds itself caught between several external forces, each pursuing its own interests, which do not always coincide with those of ordinary residents.
The DDS does not offer a magic solution to the geopolitical standoff around Transnistria—that is neither our role nor our right. We propose something more fundamental and achievable today: a real, functioning, manipulation-proof mechanism through which the region's residents themselves—regardless of their ethnicity, language, religion, or political preferences—can directly participate in addressing issues that shape their daily lives, beginning with energy, the economy, and social security, and gradually expanding this principle to an ever broader range of issues.
We propose this in a spirit of mutual respect, full recognition of the complexity of the situation, and without any intention of imposing an external solution. The wealth of Transnistria and the right to decide its fate must belong—now and always—only to its people.
DirectDemocracyS — Collaborate with Transnistria on the path to genuine direct democracy.